JUSTICE, AT LAST, IS ON THE HORIZON

The April 10 & 11 ‘public disturbances’, as the government at the time prefers to put it, is one of the tragic incidents that exemplify the brutality of President Jammeh’s twenty-two year rule.

But it is the tip. Jammeh had a tight grip on information flow. And the climate of fear and impunity that existed allowed perpetrators under his watch - and mostly on his orders - to evade scrutiny and justice.  

“That was a moment I will never forget. I never thought a Gambian can get to that level…” This was Gambian president, Adama Barrow speaking of his 'shock and disappointment' in a television interview last year about the killing of Jammeh's finance minister, Koro Ceesay, and in general, about the revelations with respect to the cruelty of the regime he replaces.

Like hundreds of victims of the ‘gross and brutal’ human rights violations perpetuated under the previous regime, Fatou Barrow grew up without knowing the whole truth behind her father’s killing. She has long been waiting for justice that seemed never to arrive as Jammeh's grip on power tightened, winning election after election. 

Justice though could have long arms. Jammeh was removed from power in 2017. It was not without drama. The following year, in 2018, his successor Adama Barrow fulfilled a campaign promise to institute an inquiry into the human rights violations.  

In full view of television cameras, the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC), took time to go the whole hog, or of sorts, chapter by chapter.

The proceedings of the TRRC were like a national blockbuster TV series with a range of genres. For the most part, it was agonisingly horrific amid confessions. Some of the crimes were committed with extreme cruelty. Tears, of regrets for crimes committed, and of pains for years of suffering without justice. It was also part humorous.

"I am ashamed of my country," the TRRC's lead counsel, Essa Faal, said in one of his many emotional outbursts during the inquiry. "We have done terrible things in this country. What a shame."

After nearly three years of investigations, the TRRC submitted the report of its findings to the presidency in November last year.

“Three hundred and ninety-three witnesses testified before the Commission, the majority of which were victims. The witnesses also included self-confessed perpetrators,” TRRC chair, Lamin J Sise, had said in his statement.

The report comprises16 volumes, laying bare the widespread human rights violations perpetrated by Jammeh’s government.

At least 233 were unlawfully killed between 1994 and January 2017 and President Jammeh bears the greatest responsibility for the crimes, according to the TRRC findings.

The inquiry hasn’t provided disaggregated information in terms of sex and age, but as per Malagen’s count, those killed include at least eight children and dozens of women.

Jammeh’s victims range from people perceived to be security threats, his critics, close associates he fell out with and ordinary citizens, including student protesters, journalist, and political opponents while others died from his herbal treatment, witch-hunting exercise and presidential convoys.  

About six months later, the government on May 25 responded to the findings and accepted most of the recommendations, which range from prosecution of perpetrators to institutional and legal reforms.

“I can assure you that President Jammeh will face justice,” Justice Minister Dawda Jallow said. 

Such an assurance from Justice Minister Jallow is pleasing to the ears of the victims.

"What we saw was really encouraging," Fatoumatta Sandeng told Malagen, referring to the government White Paper. Her father, Solo Sandeng, an opposition activist, was tortured to death in April 2016.

"It was like wow, we did not expect it to come out this good," she added.

The government’s stance though, has not always been as unambiguous as Minister Jallow displayed on May 25 White Paper release event. The journey for justice for Jammeh-era crimes has less than certain.

In the course of the TRRC investigations, and even after the findings unraveled crimes, political expedience appeared to have sometimes taken precedence over pursuit for justice.

"There was a lot of moments of inconsistency," Fatoumatta Sandeng said. "At some point, we thought the TRRC was set up just to tick the boxes. The person the government went into coalition with, Fabakary Tombong Jatta, had come out to stage a protest against the TRRC."

Abdou Aziz Barrow’s father, Basiru Barrow (not related to either President Barrow or Fatou Barrow), led a counter-coup in 1994. He was summarily executed, alongside with at least 10 others.

Like Fatou, he also watched with anger and trepidation as politicians in whose hands lie the fate of justice shifts shape, taking positions that tend to run contrary to the justice promised to them.

“Barrow went to visit the family of former President Jammeh but never for once did he visit the Victims Center nor visit a single victim,” he told Malagen.

Faced with what he referred to as ‘a win or die’ affair, President Adama Barrow sucked up to President Jammeh, leaving victims to cling onto a thinning rope of hope.